Damin-i-ko’r Itikotha: Learning History, Learning Resistance
Santal revolution, against the oppressive British colonial rulers as well as against local elites, started roughly in mid-19th century. Many historians have seen this movement as the first resistance against the British colonisers. Swarna Mitra’s Damin-i-ko’r Itikotha is a historical novel dealing with historical concern of this resistance. Nasir Uz Zaman reviews the book and poses questions and concerns.
THROUGH the actions of humankind, nature has been exploited and victimised exponentially for centuries. Historically, likewise, the communities living near nature are the most exploited population in the hierarchal system of exploitation. And this structure, now, encompasses people living near or further from nature. There is no doubt that Santals, an ethnic group, even minor among other minor groups, faced exploitation in the worst of ways by law enforcement, moneylenders, zamindars, and British colonisers and so on. Factually and historically people revolt when there is no other apparent way to survive except to resist and revolt. And a historical demonstration of this idea is Santal Rebellion (Hul) of 1855-56 — a rebellion not only against colonial rulers but also against their local running-dogs, the police, the moneylenders, the zamindars and the elite class. Damin-i-ko’r Itikotha, a history based novel, immediately takes us to Damin-i-ko, where, how, why and when Sidhu, Kanhu, Chand and Bhairav were and are fighting to the last breath against their exploiters for freedom and explicitly show us the essence and importance of resistance.
As a
history-based novel, Damin-i-ko’r Itikotha presents us the harmonious
relations and dynamics of the text and context. The success of the text is that
it includes the context in a way that the context becomes inseparable from the
text and in this text, context is not shaded or vailed to demonstrate Santal
rebellion. In Kalikinkar Datta’s words from The Santal Insurrection of
1855-57, ‘The expansion of the British dominion in India, and the growth of
an Indo-British administrative system, naturally pushed India throw manifold
processes of transition— political, economic, and social. This, for diverse
reasons, generated fumes of discontent, among various sections of people in
different parts of India, which burst into flames in the mutiny of 1857-59. But
already, before this wider movement, a considerable insurrection had broken out
in the year of 1855, in a remote corner of Bengal, now represented by the Bihar
district of the Santal Parganas, a part of Bhagalpur District, and also a
portion of the Birbhum District.’ Factually, with the expansion of British
dominion in India, political, economic, and social conditions started to become
worse apace and Santals became the immediate victims. But the scenario is not
only this, as K.K. Datta rightly points out also that, the immergence and
plundering of traders, moneylenders and zamindars elevate the level of
exploitation.
In this the dark scene, in Santal Bidroho (Santal Rebellion), Suprakash Roy
writes that the Santal rebellion of 1855-56 was not accidental or sudden
outburst but a consequence of long-term exploitation. The gist of the long and
multi-dimensional story of the history is that British rulers take over the
administrative power, enforces laws to exploit traders, moneylenders and
zamindars, as a result, elite class immerge in new forms and spread the level
of exploitation to mass people. This does not mean that only the mass people
were exploited exclusively but power-holders also. The agreement, the Permanent
Settlement of Bengal, was based on exploitation which led zamindars to be
exploited and created opportunities to further exploit the mass people.
Historically,
religion plays a role in the movement and this role of religion has been
criticised in the novel. The ruling class use religion to control the masses,
ideologically, and to fulfil their own agendas. But this usage never last
forever. Masses very much realise the politics of religion and they can
denounce or question it if it fails to meet their fundamental needs. This text
demonstrates such an essence. In early 1855, after the first revolt attempt,
Chowdhury Babu, a locally influential person, tried to control the movement by
increasing religious activities using Brahmins promoting fatalistic
perspectives. But it seems that ‘hunger’ defeats ‘gods’. Thousands of Santals
realised that the massages from gods were not for them but for the elite class
and these massages were only to hegemonise them, only to chain them by the name
of religion. In the novel, Sidhu, a Santal leader, raises the question of how
‘gods’ can allow unjust torture on them. He denounces the ‘goods’ of the elite
class and acknowledges ‘gods’ who are against unjust torture on them. Here,
Sidhu is not talking about something divine and metaphysical, rather, material
and historical. In Sidhu’s words, ‘We have two classes in this society — Diku
Hor (moneylenders or class enemies) and Renge Hor (poor people). Two
classes’ ‘gods’ are also different. … Where does our ‘god’ live? Who is our
‘god’? This Damin-i-ko’s land, water, hill, jungle, air, sun, moon, all the
people! Do we have a life without these? … And do you know who their ‘god’ is?
The evil English! It never lived in our land, it is a foreign robber! It is a brutal evil spirit!’ To make this point clear,
yes, both elite and Santals used the idea of religion but one needs to be
critical about the purposes. Upper classes’ purpose was to control the Santals
to fulfil their own agendas and to continue oppression and brutality. But the
Santals’ purpose was to unite them and to stop oppression and brutality.
Santals used religion as a weapon for liberation in 1855-56. Quite the same
way, Algerians used radio as a weapon for their liberation movements during the
1954-62, as Frantz Fanon rightly points out. It seems that, it was in fact,
fighting against ‘gods’ with ‘gods’.
The
ruling class tendency of shadowing or hiding their injustice, guilt, unfairness,
brutality, barbarism by the name of development is addressed in Damin-i-ko’r
Itikotha. From Kanhu’s words, ‘Should we forget rail-plunderers? What did
the babus say? Shahebs had come for development! What
development did they conduct? They raped our two sisters, killed a sangat
and forcefully snatched goats, chickens, fruits. How many buffalos can be
carried? It’s difficult for them to carry our blood mixed crops on them. So
they brought the train! Foreign machine!’ In the name of development, British established
rail-roads but questions remained unanswered. Is it only for development? Whose
development? Who was the beneficiary? Answers remain in questions. British
rule has gone but the ruling tendency remains still. Every day people hear the
shouting of development but people can recognise what is behind this shouting
as Kanhu recognised.
August
17 of 1855, the ruling class started jiggery-pokery to demolish the valid
movement by issuing a special announcement. The government’s proclamation was,
‘Though Santal vassals are driven by wicked forces but the government is very
much concerned for their welfare. The Santals who surrender to the authorities
in the next ten days, they will be forgiven. … After every rebel’s surrender, the
allegations of Santals will be investigated. But, after all, if someone opposes
the government, will be punished’. Santals recognised the politics of the
government and denounced the proclamation. In Sidhu-Kanhu’s words, ‘It will be
okay if we are defeated or killed. But we have to live as Santal’. Such evil
language and strategy of the evil ruling class was there and still exist to
demolish a valid movement and nag the activists of the movement. ‘We have taken
cognizance of their demands we got from different channels and we are also
taking action to ensure the highest punishment to the perpetrators. … We are
requesting the students to go back to classes as people are suffering’— a
recent announcement from the prime minister, according to news reports is one
such recent example and everyone experienced the consequences after this
proclamation.
Some
points of this novel are needed to be addressed broadly. Brief addressing of
those points by no means do justice to the novel. Women’s mass active
revolutionary participation in the revolt, Santals’ urge to save their culture,
punishment without trial, destruction of cotton production, ruling class’ fear
of ruled people, Santals’ commitment to freedom, the importance and necessity
of community, unity, and organisation, their strategy to fight against the
oppressors, roles of local oppressive apparatus, elite class’ repression and
brutality and thousands core and revolutionary points should be critically
examined and explained.
One
cannot but address the publisher, Omar Tarek Chowdhury, for his bold step to
make available Utpalendu Chakrabarty’s (Sarna Mitra) rare remarkable historical
novel.
Nasir Uz Zaman is a former student of University of Liberal Arts
Bangladesh
Published: Sep 23, 2018 (New Age Youth)
Links:
http://www.newagebd.net/article/51210/damin-i-kor-itikotha-learning-history-learning-resistance
http://epaper.newagebd.net/23-09-2018/21
